Commercial revitalization in neighborhood-oriented shopping districts is often a long-term
process. Unlike downtown revitalization programs in large cities, which are supported by
both large corporations and city agencies, neighborhood efforts must depend on
neighborhood merchants, community-based organizations and residents. From the perspective
of politicians and corporations, downtown districts are a higher priority because they
form the basis of a city's image. With less capital and political clout to rely upon for
both funding and sustaining the revitalization effort, the process of neighborhood-based
commercial revitalization requires a strategy that emphasizes internal organization and
capitalizing on existing resources, rather than hiring a management association to direct
the revitalization effort. In the long term, a successful neighborhood revitalization
effort will attract the support of both city agencies and corporate foundations, but a
neighborhood will not be a priority for either city hall or large locally based
corporations unless a neighborhood makes itself a priority. This understanding forms the
basis of the CRP presented in this document.
The commercial revitalization efforts on both Grand Street in Brooklyn and Dudley Street
in Boston demonstrate that even in the poorest neighborhoods, there are assets upon which
a revitalization effort can be based. But capitalizing on existing assets takes a
neighborhood-based actor who is willing to act as a catalyst for the revitalization
effort, a limited amount of start-up capital, and a larger group of neighborhood-based
actors who are committed to the neighborhood's future. A revitalization effort can then
build upon whatever assets exist in the community to get the attention of actors outside
the neighborhood, who can assist the effort by providing capital, technical assistance and
other support.
Developing a coalition of neighborhood-based actors that can pool financial and human
resources is one very effective way to take advantage of the neighborhood's existing
resources. This type of group is well positioned to leverage additional funds because both
foundations and government agencies prefer to interact with formal organizations, as
opposed to individual merchants, when making grants available for neighborhood
revitalization. A SID is one structure for a formal organization, and as Part II of this
report suggests, establishing a SID may be one of the long-term options for merchants in
West Side Park. However, without the initial steps at the neighborhood level, attracting
the interest and support of actors outside the neighborhood who can provide financial
assistance will be difficult, if not impossible.
The CRP for West Side Park is based on both successful neighborhood revitalization efforts
in other cities and the study of West Side Park. In developing the CRP, it was important
to recognize the neighborhood's unique history. As explained in the next section, attempts
to replicate the revitalization efforts of other low-income communities in West Side Park
will not work without some modifications. Thus, the history and conditions in West Side
Park indicate the need for a new model of neighborhood-based commercial revitalization.
While crime, a lack of capital, vacant buildings, poor physical infrastructure, and
disillusionment are typical problems for businesses in many low-income communities, the
severity of these problems and the area's unique history distinguishes West Side Park from
other places. As discussed in Part I, about one quarter of all buildings or lots along
Springfield and South Orange Avenues is vacant, creating a relatively low density of
businesses; a physical survey of the remaining buildings along the avenues revealed that
about 40 percent are in poor or bad shape. Yet, tax burdens remain extremely high. Crime
and sanitation are also major problems, with one merchant complaining that his business is
broken into at least once a month.
Merchants along these commercial corridors are struggling to keep their businesses going,
and only a small portion reported having grown during the past year. Merchants explain
that one of their biggest problems is a lack of financial resources to help improve their
business; many asserted that they do not have enough customers to increase their revenue.
In addition, most of these merchants are not using, nor are they even aware of, technical
and financial business assistance programs. The size and type of the businesses in West
Side Park may help explain these findings. Nearly all of the businesses surveyed could be
defined as microbusinesses, employing few or no additional employees outside of the owner
and his/her family. Unfortunately, the small businesses assistance programs available at
the federal, state, and city level generally do not cater to neighborhood businesses
operating on such a small scale. Moreover, interviews with assistance providers reveal
that to access these programs, merchants must demonstrate a relatively high level of
organization and initiative.
Crime, lack of capital, poor sanitation, and high vacancy rates are all indicators of the
decline in business activity in West Side Park, a decline accelerated by the 1967 riots in
Newark. West Side Park was one of the areas most severely devastated by the riots, and the
area continues to suffer long-lasting economic, physical, and psychological damage
resulting from that turbulent period. While the city as a whole is now making gradual
progress toward attracting businesses and improving its image, many outsiders continue to
perceive West Side Park as a dangerous place that offers little hope for revitalization.
For businesses along Springfield and South Orange Avenues, this reputation creates a
psychological barrier to people moving to, or shopping in, West Side Park. It also helps
fuel the doubts of financial and technical assistance providers about the current and
future viability of businesses in the area.
As a result of the conditions in West Side Park, merchants have little trust in either
each other or outside providers, low expectations about the possibility of change, and a
lack of interest or understanding regarding how collective action could help improve their
individual situations. For example, the majority of merchants do not belong to any type of
business, merchant, or trade association, and few talk to anyone (beyond family or
friends) about the problems facing their businesses. Merchants also appear to be highly
individualistic; many merchants believe that if they could secure additional financial
capital, they could handle most other issues on their own. Yet, many of these same
merchants say that drugs, crime, and high unemployment are serious problems that impact
both the neighborhood and their business. Ironically, merchants also claim to be satisfied
with city-provided services, including police patrols, despite their identification of
crime as a major problem. As discussed in Part I, this high level of satisfaction probably
stems, in part, from merchants' low expectations. These low expectations may be a result
of the years of alienation from the city government and merchants' inability to influence
redevelopment agendas. Although there are now some new planning initiatives focusing on
Newark's neighborhoods (see Part II), it will still take many years before the impact will
be felt.
While the conditions present among Springfield and South Orange Avenue businesses provide
a different kind of challenge than the typical downtown commercial revitalization effort,
the area does offer hope for positive change. Many of the merchants along these commercial
corridors are also property owners and therefore, should have an even greater interest in
revitalizing the area. Most of the businesses have been located in West Side Park for six
years or more. The ability of these businesses to survive should help dispel doubts about
the viability of preserving a commercial district in the area. The longevity of the
businesses also means that despite their low level of networking, the majority of those
surveyed already know other business owners and managers in the neighborhood.
There are also other indications that it will be possible to help merchants realize their
common interests. Already, a sizeable number of businesses would like to, or plan on,
expanding their business in the next five years, and/or would also recommend starting a
business in the neighborhood to a relative or friend. These perceptions represent common
interests around which merchants can be organized. More importantly, they indicate that
there is a group of merchants who retain hope that positive change can occur. These
merchants may be among the easiest to mobilize for participation in the CRP.
Revitalizing neighborhood-oriented commercial corridors in low-income communities is
significant for several economic and symbolic reasons:
West Side Park's commercial revitalization effort, as outlined in the CRP, should function
as a component of the on-going revitalization effort that includes developing low-income
housing, attracting new businesses and new jobs, and the operation of a business
incubator. The goals of a commercial revitalization effort in West Side Park include:
The long-term benefits of accomplishing these goals will be a self-sustaining
revitalization effort that can leverage additional funds from outside sources and the
creation of a shopping district in West Side Park that is competitive with other nearby
districts.
A neighborhood-based commercial revitalization strategy in a low-income community like
West Side Park requires a framework for planning and implementing programs to access
capital and affect comprehensive change. The active participation of the people who are
most affected by the revitalization effort, in this case the merchants, is necessary.
Although merchants' interests are bound to clash on occasion, a revitalization effort
requires participants to both recognize the significance of comprehensive revitalization
to their businesses and trust the people with whom they are working.
The CRP has distinct phases, which are defined by the contributions of existing
neighborhood institutions and the capacity of local merchants. Phase I and Phase II are
described below.
The formalization of a merchants association or other merchant-led coalition is
probably the most important goal because it will enable merchants to interact more
effectively with foundations, public agencies and commercial lending institutions that
prefer to provide assistance to an organization. In Phase I, the merchant organizer may
act as a liaison between merchants and these outside actors, but in Phase II local
merchants should take a more active role. While community-based organizations should still
be involved in the commercial revitalization process during Phase II, their role should
shift from one of leadership to support. This gradual transfer of control will ensure that
the revitalization effort becomes self-sustaining over time and that merchants will have
the strongest voice in planning their future.
Organizing merchants is one of the most effective strategies available for revitalizing
neighborhood commercial corridors and that the creation of a SID is often the culmination
of that process. However, the specific conditions present along Springfield and South
Orange Avenues suggest that one should view this process as a long-term commitment,
postponing the question of whether the creation of a SID is feasible or even desirable.
Ultimately, the merchants must make the decision about both the type of formal structure
they desire and the level of commitment they are willing to make.
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